Blog Critique X kaare dybvad udkantsdanmark

Kaare Dybvad: The edge is self-made

By cand.scient. MP Kaare Dybvad

The central query in any discussion concerning the outskirts must subsequently be how we in Denmark have managed to create fringe areas in a country that ought to be too small and homogeneous for it. Why can we find that whole elements of the country are left in a standstill, whereas the development is rising stronger within the capital and East Jutland? On this article, I might argue that a vital a part of the problem has been created politically. I absolutely recognize that there are forces globally that oppose an elevated specialization of work features, public and private. However this specialization varies enormously from nation to nation.

In Denmark – and quite a lot of other European nations – we experience an influx to the cities. In different nations, resembling Eire, Norway, Italy or Switzerland, it goes the other method; There are provincial areas with larger migration than capitals and large cities. There are not any provinces in Denmark, ”concluded the liberal politician Orla Lehmann through the discussions in the years leading up to the adoption of the Danish Constitution in 1849.

As a Ejder champion, the message in fact had a special handle for the Schleswig who Lehmann needed to speak Danish as an alternative of German. However the message was additionally broader: Denmark is a rustic – regardless of the German border's attraction – which is too geographically small to incorporate real provinces.

There are not any elements of the nation in the present-day Denmark, which may fairly be in comparison with, for instance, the province of Andalusia in Spain or the province of Norrland in Sweden, which has an unbiased tradition, a language, a business construction or different essential traits that differ from the mainstream. Once we in Denmark speak about “dialect” it is truly incorrect. Maybe except for a couple of Southern Jutland or Bornholm language flows, the language language is closer to regional languages.

This difference comes from political selections that can be boiled right down to a simple equation: The relationship between the individual career's want for ever-increasing specialization, seen towards society's losses via this specialization. To start out with the subject teams: In nearly every topic, you need more individuals who do the same as yourself. A drama instructor at a high school would like a high school with 5 drama academics to at least one the place she is the one one. A physician specializing in surgery needs to spar with different surgeons, and a landscaper will typically want a office with other specialists within the subject.

Within the personal labor market, it solves itself. Many corporations specialize and assemble manufacturing, but only to the extent that it is sensible economically. Typically, production can be gathered where it is least expensive, and subsequently personal centralizations typically benefit the province. However in the public it is totally different. There, it is decided politically, and one typically places great emphasis on arguments about synergy and professional sparring.

The needs of native communities and the broader group are according to the wants of the professional teams. It can be, for example, peace and quiet that is maintained by the police, or schooling of youngsters and young individuals, which is solved by the schooling system. When, for example, one now removes an area service position from a basic residential area in Skælskør, the squirrels usually are not unsure that it will imply higher costs for society:

The police automobiles should drive from Næstved for the small issues that the officer can often clear up by going for a stroll together with his dog. The preventive motion that is missing is as an alternative paid with much larger expenditure on the social authorities regionally. The similar factor was seen when, a number of years ago, the schooling professionals' want to shut the smaller instructor seminars was accepted, which amongst different issues went over Haslev, Holbæk and Skaarup close to Svendborg.

At this time, lots of those who would beforehand have sought in as academics who haven’t any schooling after highschool, while missing academics at local main faculties. The society pays the worth for knowledgeable specialization by the truth that the subsequent era of main faculty college students in South Funen and West Zealand are educated worse than the previous one.

When Denmark has created its personal edge in a geographically small nation, it is, for my part, as a consequence of the fact that we now have set each financial savings requirements and the skilled professionals' want for specialization over society's needs. In Norway, and lots of other nations, you do it in another way, and you have seen another improvement. But with a purpose to give the complete overview of the event, I will give an summary of the importance of the two most up-to-date municipal reforms for the geographical improvement in Denmark.

When the state was established regionally

As written, it is my ambition in this article to reveal that our political decisions are crucial within the outline coverage. Employment, schooling and leisure actions issues are crucial to the individual, and precisely these actions are increasingly regulated politically. Where the actions gather, the residents move.

Perhaps the most important of these sorts of political upheavals in Danish geography came with the municipal reform in 1970. For nearly two centuries, the borders of counties, market cities and parishes had been the identical. The parish municipalities, which since 1841 had been chargeable for, among other things, the poor and faculties, have been largely intact. Now 1388 market towns and parish municipalities turned 275 main municipalities, which acquired numerous new duties and have been obliged to make sure that the laws from Christiansborg was also carried out in rural areas.

The new municipalities ought to have the administrative powers to be able to operate a contemporary main faculty and a minimum of one nursing house, and they should have the ability to manage the laws that have been set out in connection with the construction of the welfare society through the interval. It might sound quite natural right now, however for that point's parish council it was a total upheaval. The writer Ove Korsgaard writes in the e-book Solskin for the black mould about his father Axel Korsgaard's efforts as chairman of the parish council in Karby-Hvidbjerg-Redsted Parish Municipality at Mors. Earlier than the municipal reform was sought, driven by its elected representatives, supplemented by part-time staff:

The parish council chairman might properly receives a commission assistants, but no real administration was constructed up in the parishes. As an assistant, Axel employed the management assistant who had traveled around the farms for a lot of years to take samples of the fat content within the cow's milk. He helped to keep the municipality's accounts in an workplace that was organized at Hvidbjerggaard [Axel Korsgaards gård]. Often he came a few occasions every week, however at peak occasions, especially in connection with annual statements, he came each day. Karby-Hvidbjerg-Redsted was a comparatively giant municipality. When tax returns and annual statements have been to be sent out, my siblings had to step in to get the papers within the envelopes and write names and addresses outdoors.

The parish council chairman's voluntary efforts have been the focus of the municipalities, and residents might flip to him at his residence. Being a parish council chairman subsequently also meant that rooms and occasional labor have been made obtainable to the parish.

With the municipal reform in 1970, it ended, and the municipalities progressively moved from being run by volunteers to base their operations on an precise administration. The administrative structure must be adapted to the transformation of Denmark from an agricultural group to an industrial society and the general public welfare and service that got here with it. A activity that was too huge for parishes comparable to Karby-Hvidbjerg-Redsted, which was based mostly on voluntary forces.

Municipal facilities turned the mainstay

The municipal reform in 1970 led to a big decentralization of each political selections and administrative tasks. From 1970, new municipal workplaces, newly built central faculties, nursing houses and other public establishments have been created that created lots of of latest jobs in each of the brand new municipal centers. Cities that have been formerly odd villages, station cities or local service centers grew giant by way of public investment, new indifferent neighborhoods, common housing and industrial areas.

Already in the first 5 years after the reform, 87 new administrative facilities – the municipalities' new city halls – have been inaugurated. General, multiple and a half hundred cities in half a decade had grown out of the previous parish councils and have become administration centers for the fast vicinity.

Cities reminiscent of Svebølle, Nordborg, Billund and Fensmark fired up and created engaging urban communities that attracted many new residents. On the entry into pressure of the municipal reform in 1970, only 10% of Danes lived in cities with between 1,00zero and 5,00zero inhabitants. Already in 1980, when the brand new municipalities have been absolutely developed, 20% of the Danes lived in cities of that measurement, and thus had experienced a particularly giant migration of the population in simply ten years. Not because the industrialization was so giant part of the population moved from one sort of metropolis to a different in such a short while. The political selections made with the municipal reform meant that the population adopted go well with, not least because of the various new jobs.

Around the turn of the millennium, I skilled the character of the municipal towns, as a post-school scholar I lived in West Funen Nørre Aaby, who was additionally a municipal seat for Nørre Aaby Municipality. In the midst of the primary road was the city hall, which housed the municipal administration and was the meeting place for the 15 members of the town council, with the left-mayor Torben Knudsen in the lead. Right here selections have been made concerning the welfare regionally, concerning the faculties in Nørre Aaby and Båring, concerning the nursing residence Kongshøjcentret, about who was to build the new bridge over Tunnelvej, concerning the sports amenities within the Vestfynshallen and concerning the basic housing on Bøgevej.

Around the municipal administration, numerous workplaces and features, which both performed duties for the municipality, collaborated with it or saw an advantage in being near the assessment of staff and citizens created by the municipality's administration. Numerous outlets lay aspect by aspect within the small major road, four banks have been represented in the metropolis, at the station lay a medium-sized publish workplace, and on the outskirts of the town the trade union SiD had an office. The local newspaper had a small editorial within the city, and it was reported faithfully from the municipal council's meetings. I do not know who stood for the extensions to the nursing residence Kongshøjcentret, the Vestfynshallerne or the other buildings that have been constructed in the course of the municipality's lifetime from 1970 to 2006. However the chance means that they have been constructed by local craftsmen, similar to no less than half of the locals Town halls in the municipalities have been, and on this approach, the municipality held a lot of local craftsmen.

At the municipal reform, Nørre Aaby Municipality was merged with Middelfart and Ejby Municipalities, in order that the new Middelfart municipality was obtained. It has in all probability been a wise answer for the small county municipality, and after the merger, technical management was housed in the town hall in Nørre Aaby's major road. However in just ten years, most of the features associated with the municipality's personal unbiased administration and political decision-making energy disappeared. I do not point out it to complain concerning the municipal reform, or as a result of I feel that one had had as many outlets and financial institution branches in Nørre Aaby if one had stored the municipality.

I’m simply making an attempt to emphasise the essential level that it does matter to the event of jobs and therefore settlement, the best way to set up the public structure. When you will have a municipal administration with jobs and decision-making energy regionally, you also help to create other jobs. The carpenter, who will get the local contracts, stores who reside off the visitors at the municipality, the union, whose largest employer is the municipality, and the native newspaper's editorial and printing company, which relate to the local instances, and whose advertisements are also paid by the municipality. These things disappear whenever you make political selections to centralize jobs and decision-making energy. And when part of the workplaces disappear, a few of the residents additionally disappear over time.

Denmark's biggest centralization

It was then Inside Minister Lars Løkke Rasmussen who was given the duty of finishing the newest municipal reform, which was launched in 2004, and accomplished administrative work in 2007. The new reform meant the liberty to decide on who to place collectively, however on the opposite page a comprehensive plan for the new duties. The 98 new municipalities would in the future carry the vast majority of public welfare tasks, while the regions' real process can be to develop the public health service. On the similar time, this meant that 170,000 public staff had to change employers between municipalities, counties, areas and state because of the changed division of tasks.

Within the political speeches that followed the reform, it was deemed a decentralization in the sense that with the bigger municipalities, stronger administrations have been capable of provide extra welfare providers near the residents. But when one appears on the impact in actuality, it was in the beginning a centralization: The previous municipalities have been merged into larger municipalities, the counties have been merged into the larger areas, and duties have been moved from each municipalities and counties to the state.

If, for instance, one took 100 staff, who earlier than the reform have been employed at Storstrøm County with headquarters in Nykøbing Falster, 29 of them after the reform would work in one of many six municipalities through which the county was part, whereas 58 of them can be managed from the brand new region with headquarters in Sorø, and the last 13 can be employed by the state. On this approach one can argue that some staff have been a part of the administration in, for instance, Næstved Municipality and thus came nearer to their local area, however for greater than two-thirds one can be topic to management further away from the native areas. Combined with the relocation of tasks from the municipalities to the state, the municipal reform didn’t give a decentralization general, but a marked centralization of the public Denmark.

With the reform, Denmark took the lead when it got here to the dimensions of the municipalities. In 2007, we had far bigger municipalities than the opposite Nordic nations:

The reform meant a historically nice centralization of our democracy and the general public sector, where more than every third workplace exists. Even before the reform was carried out, it was criticized for overweighting economic efficiency and professional sustainability, and a number of other municipal specialists pointed out that there were no vital issues in fixing the welfare duties within the municipalities.

Professor in public regulation and administration Carsten Henrichsen concludes in an analysis of the municipal reform that it was particularly the Christiansborg politicians who needed the municipal reform carried out, although many specialists discovered the consequences questionable. Professor of Political Science Poul Erik Mouritzen, himself a member of the Fee behind the reform, even concludes that the structural reform was a “garbage bin”, within the sense that a number of totally different wishes from totally different events have been envisaged in the reform. Among different things, because the Danish central administration had lost power to both the EU and the municipalities in recent times, and needed to withdraw some of it.

My claim is not that the municipal reform was general poor, or that we should always have retained the 271 municipalities that existed till 2006. It might simply as properly have ended that duties had been centralized because the individual municipalities could not deal with the tasks , and that may not have been a assure for a extra decentralized Denmark. My criticism goes on the wave of centralization of the features that got here with, and all the next reforms, which in any case created bigger geographical models, whether tax, schooling, police or justice. All collectively initiatives and reforms that largely moved jobs and decision-making power away from the native areas and democratic elections, and into the large cities and bureaucratic constructions with boards and administrators with their own decision-making power.

The workplaces have been centralized

The municipal reform and the next reforms hit exhausting in lots of areas. Egon Plejdrup, who at the moment was mayor of Mors, was in 2009 a guest within the radio program Krause across. As mayor, within the early years after the municipal reform, he had misplaced 80 local tax officers who had moved to other municipalities, the local courtroom and a lot of the local cops:

… now I take the courtroom once more which was moved to Holstebro: The legal professionals we have now in Nykøbing and who’re staying there for generations, they are now sufficient, I do not assume they move anyplace however attain the brand new era, they need to settle the place do they settle? Then they settle right subsequent to the courthouse, which is situated in Holstebro, so they don’t come to Nykøbing.[1]

Already in 2005, before the precise municipal reform came into drive, among different things, Morsø Municipality's 80 staff have been concentrated in 30 tax centers managed by the state. The place the municipalities have been previously the authority and employer within the tax space, it was now instantly subject to the central administration. A choice that, in mild of the in depth scandals in SKAT, seems deadly in relation to confidence within the public sector.

However the tax centers are just one instance of the fact that it is not only the concrete jobs, but in addition the decision-making energy that is essential. Where, earlier than the reform, there was a municipal tax administration that was topic to the municipal council, it was now subject to SKAT and finally the Minister of Taxation. It does not matter who makes the choices, and because the administration of SKAT in 2014 completed the closure of each third tax middle, cities reminiscent of Svendborg, Struer, Holbæk and Korsør have been on the record. Even the tax middle in Ringkøbing, which for a long time served as an excellent instance of how one can move state jobs to peripheral areas and on the similar time keep the tutorial degree, has skilled several cuts because it was established.

Although, general, there has maybe been a strengthening of the municipalities regionally, in the collection of reforms centralized to a level we’ve got not seen because the introduction of the sovereignty. However what is simply as essential – there is centralized decision-making power in, amongst other things, the tax administration, which signifies that selections are made centrally by officials with last approval by the Minister. An space that was beforehand managed regionally by elected representatives is now largely controlled by officers at Slotsholmen.

Scandinavian champion shifting in to the large cities

Once we centralize workplaces and schooling, it additionally signifies that the population is shifting. We’ve seen this not least in reference to the current many years of centralization of Denmark. Whereas our municipal reform in 1970 helped to strengthen decentralization and create many new local administration centers, the reform went in a different way in 2007. Many smaller cities lost their middle standing, and their jobs and decision-making power have been moved to the new capital metropolis. Though many municipalities did like Middelfart and let the smaller towns house elements of the administration, the decision-making energy and the local middle have been lastly closed down, and the influence of the small towns on the general public within the local area had weakened markedly.

While we in the decade following the municipal reform in 1970 saw an explosive inhabitants progress for the new municipalities, the same has been the case once we take a look at the primary eight years of the newest municipal reform. But this time, the growth of cities with more than 20,000 inhabitants, which have turn out to be both metropolis facilities in the new municipalities and favored by state jobs and educational institutions in the subsequent reforms.

Then again, it seems to be dangerous for the smaller cities with less than 5,000 inhabitants, who have been facilities for the municipal administration in a lot of the Danish municipalities before 2007. In the course of the period 1996-2006, they grew quicker than the inhabitants as an entire, which has since gone robust the other method. The smallest towns and rural areas, which because the municipal reform have experienced faculty closures and deterioration of welfare providers and public transport, are probably the most affected.

Evaluating the inhabitants improvement with our neighboring nations Norway and Sweden, a totally totally different improvement takes place in them. Nicely, the capitals are also rising there, but the small cities with less than 5,000 inhabitants have a marked progress in our neighboring nations, whereas rural areas lose the population four occasions quicker in Denmark compared with Norway. So there is good cause to consider that the last ten years of centralization policy have left their mark within the Danish city landscape. As with the municipal reform in 1970, citizens comply with the political selections: it has made it far less engaging to stay in the smaller cities, and the inhabitants has subsequently slowly begun to maneuver from them.

Typically, the migration from the small Danish cities to the large ones is not explained by political priorities, but as a part of a worldwide development. My declare, then again, is that there may be a worldwide development, however that it is weaker than we expect, and that the municipal reform and subsequent reforms of schooling and justice, among different issues, have made improvement extra excessive than in another European country.

Nevertheless, once we typically present in Denmark the urbanization as a worldwide development alone, it is not unintentional. Professor of Economics Sven Illeris states in his e-book on regional improvement that:

… Many Nordic, Dutch and British writers, who in current many years have highlighted the superior progress of cities, [har] Additionally exaggerated this, many writers have generalized the experience of their very own country to apply throughout the Western world.[2]

So, in response to a man who has been engaged in European regional improvement for 50 years, there is a bent for us in Denmark and Northern Europe to stare on the progress of our personal massive cities and never concentrate on the broader European picture. We endure from near-vision once we talk about centralization, where in different nations one takes a far broader perspective.

Frederiksberg Lemvig paradox

The query is subsequently additionally whether or not it is sensible to choose the acute course that Denmark has followed. Or whether it is more applicable to spend money on local communities and the qualities that exist there, as you do in most European nations.

Here, the schooling area is a very good picture of the power of the smaller communities. In the public debate one can get the impression that young individuals within the province don’t take an schooling while it is the other of the young individuals in the capital. Thus, in 2010, one might learn in Politiken that “younger men who have grown up west of the Jutland ridge are sometimes as poorly built-in because the Turkish guest staff who came right here from the Anatolian plateau in the 1960s: They are all for poorly educated and subsequently deeply dependent on public transfers. “

Actually, it is simply the other. The public research institution KORA has investigated the proportion of younger people who obtain a youth schooling, after which they lived as 15-year-olds, and the outcome is shocking. Briefly, there are two areas the place many young individuals obtain a youth schooling: in the wealthy municipalities north of Copenhagen and on the west coast of Jutland, whereas a lot of the poorest municipalities are situated within the metropolitan space. The Metropolis of Copenhagen is the second-largest, even if the inhabitants of Copenhagen has been resourceful for many years.

It is going to be very fascinating when you take the Municipality of Frederiksberg and examine with Lemvig. For a way can it’s that Frederiksberg, whose citizens are probably the most educated and among the richest, is however the seventh-year-old of all 98 municipalities? And how can Lemvig, whose residents conversely have an revenue under the national common, and where there are much more unskilled and fewer teachers than the remaining in the nation, however handle to carry out significantly higher?

It is typical wisdom among instructional researchers that the length of your mother and father' schooling has the best impression on how long the schooling you receive. In case your mother and father have an extended greater schooling, there is less than a 5% chance that you’ll not receive a secondary schooling while the same chance is near 40% in case your mother and father are unskilled. But in the relationship between Lemvig and Frederiksberg it is the opposite approach spherical. In Frederiksberg, the place nearly all of mother and father have greater schooling, it is 24% of the younger people who don’t receive a youth schooling, whereas the same is the case for less than 12% of the young individuals in Lemvig, the place the overwhelming majority of oldsters are unskilled and expert.

I’ve typically asked the viewers for my lectures to the explanation of the Frederiksberg-Lemvig paradox. Some emphasize the robust post-school culture in West Jutland, whereas others point out that there are several unskilled jobs within the capital that do not end in lack of prestige. Many can see themselves in an unskilled work at a venue as an grownup in Copenhagen, whereas it is much less sensible to serve scorching canine at the local tank in Northwest Jutland.

Others point to the proportion of immigrants from third world nations as an evidence for the truth that the paratroopers perform better than the Frederiksbergs. 4.6% of the citizens of Frederiksberg have citizenship in a third world country, while Lemvig is down 2.8%. But regardless that there is a big distinction between Danish and immigrant males's instructional tradition, it is removed from sufficient to elucidate the large difference.

What most people level out, and which I feel is an enormous a part of the explanation, is that you just turn into more motivated to teach your self within the small communities that Lemvig Municipality consists of. You realize each other, you’ve expectations of one another, and you’re pleased to provide a helping hand to individuals who have a hard time. But one expects, however, that everyone does their greatest. It is the essence of local communities, and it is not primarily totally different from Lemvig to Ballerup or Gentofte. However it differs markedly from the more nameless metropolitan communities, which rely the municipalities that carry out the least in relation to their inhabitants composition: Copenhagen and Frederiksberg.

The paradox is that we contemplate the large cities as places the place the danger of not getting an schooling is the least, while in actuality it is the other means round. From a political perspective, we at the similar time make it more engaging to reside in these city communities – and thus assist to undermine the Danish schooling custom, which is a prerequisite for a prosperous society without main social variations. We place house owners of flats and cooperative housing considerably higher in tax phrases than house owners of indifferent houses.

And we invest billions a yr in the huge cities' public transport, whereas individuals within the country pay huge taxes on their automobiles and on petrol. There are good explanations for these actions on a case-by-case foundation, but general the attitude is strange. As an alternative, we should always encourage individuals to stay in the small communities that work higher on many parameters.

The Frederiksberg-Lemvig paradox is one of the extra shocking footage of how small communities work higher than anonymous cities, however there are, in fact, many others: There are much more criminals and extra crime in the huge cities in comparison with the communities which are a great distance off stronger entrepreneurial custom within the smaller communities, and based on, among others, Stanford University[3] a lot less more likely to get stress and nervousness issues in case you reside in a smaller city, just as your youngsters are at higher danger of getting stress, yearly of their childhood they reside in an enormous metropolis. On the socio-economic degree, it has additionally been shown that the necessary Danish export corporations are outdoors the main cities and that the key centralizations in the 00s have made it more durable for them to seek out the required, skilled labor.

In national initiatives and in laws, the underlying premise has been that the longer term was in urban life. As for schooling and labor policy, it is a standing fact in the tyranny of the students that it is an goal situation that we have to adapt to. But the reality is that this crucial coverage primarily serves the interests of the artistic class in the direction of different teams in society. If we’re to have a trusting, assured and socially cohesive society sooner or later, too, there is a have to cope with the laws and drawbacks created by the artistic class for this nation's robust area people over the previous decade.

Why uphold the province?

Since I revealed my guide Udkantsmyten, I have held greater than 100 lectures around Denmark and Norway. One of many polemical issues I typically encounter from those who need centralization is why it is sensible to take care of elements of the nation which will appear economically unprofitable. My reply is often that it is in the province that we keep our export business and that, in truth, it is also higher to get younger individuals to take an schooling, because the Frederiksberg-Lemvig paradox exhibits.

But I might additionally like so as to add an argument of a more primary nature. I feel it is value contemplating why Danes, who truly might work overseas for a better wage, still select to work in Denmark. In case you are an engineer at Rambøll, the working language is English, and for instance docs can easily get employment in nations where they will get a better revenue.

Once they however select to stay in Denmark, I feel this is because of the entire of our nation. We are the happiest, probably the most trusting, the least corrupt, probably the most affluent nations on the planet, and there is comparatively brief distance between rich and poor. But what binds us collectively is not just financial system and public institutions. It is additionally the worth that lies in the stories of our culture and our elements of the nation. The tour to Bornholm within the 7th grade with both round church buildings, Andersen-Nexø and Hammershus. The revolt towards the Swedes and Swedes houses, which the brotherland donated after the Russians, bombed Rønne in 1945. And the identical might be written about South Funen, Southern Jutland or Copenhagen. There is a cohesive pressure in our elements of the nation, which we danger dropping if we depart them to Låsby-Svendsen and the large farmers alone. It is a part of our heritage that we can’t permit in pure logic.

I andre lande tager denne forståelse også en mere konkret karakter. Når nordmændene giver store tilskud til people, der flytter til Finnmark tæt på den russiske grænse, så handler det ikke kun om kultur. Det handler også om, at Norges argument for at hævde suverænitet over Finnmark er betinget af, at der bor mennesker i området, der betragter sig som norske. Hvis flertallet i stedet betragtede sig som russere, vil det få retailer konsekvenser på lang sigt.

Den slags problemer er vi fritaget for i Danmark, men ambitionen om at have et sammenhængende land er ikke ren romantik. Den stærke tendens til et stadigt mere opdelt land er på lang sigt farlig, fordi den underminerer den forståelse for andre grupper i samfundet, der er afgørende for vores stærke tillidskultur.

En konkret udvikling, der sker for tiden, er udryddelsen af det, man kunne kalde kulturborgerskabet i købstæderne. I mange byer i Danmark oplever man, at de institutioner, der tidligere har haft ledere, som betød noget i byen, er forsvundet. Politimesteren, obersten, seminarierektoren, museumsdirektøren, de amtslige og kommunale ledere og overlægerne på hospitalet er centraliseret væk. Tilbage er ofte mange mennesker, som er økonomisk velstående, mens people med stor kulturel interesse samler sig i stadig færre byer.

Den udvikling skaber flere farlige tendenser. For det første begynder vi at opleve, hvordan kulturlandskaber og historiske bymiljøer bliver ødelagt, fordi dem, der hidtil forsvarede dem, ikke findes lokalt mere. Det var eksempelvis tilfældet med Ringkøbing Gamle Skole, der for nogle år siden blev revet ned for at bygge en Aldi-butik, og der er masser af tilsvarende eksempler rundt om i landet. Når først man ødelægger historiske miljøer, forstærker man udviklingen, simpelthen fordi people med kulturinteresse vil finde byen mindre interessant, og vælge bopæl et sted, hvor der værnes mere om det kulturelle og historiske.

Resultatet vil være, at der dels ikke længere sidder nogen til middagsselskaberne i Ringkøbing, der kan forklare meningen i at finansiere Det Kongelige Teater, fordi de, der interesserer sig for højkultur, ikke har nogen rimelig probability for beskæftigelse i området og derfor ikke bosætter sig der. Og omvendt vil der i de københavnske studenterkvarterer ikke sidde nogen til middagsselskaberne og forklare, hvorfor det er en fordel for Danmark at have en virksomhed som Vestas liggende i Ringkøbing. Simpelthen fordi people, der arbejder i industrien, ikke har råd eller lyst til at bo i København, og industriarbejdspladserne derfor forsvinder. Landet bliver delt, og vi mister hver især forståelsen for de værdier i vores samfund – hvad enten det er industri eller højkultur – der er vigtige for, at vores samfundsmodel kan hænge sammen.

På den måde, vil der ske en polarisering og en opdeling geografisk i vores land, som er uden fortilfælde, siden man startede genopbygningen af Danmark i slutningen af 1800-tallet. Det er netop blandingen af håndens og åndens people, der har skabt den succesfulde samfundsmodel, vi har i Danmark, og det er et af de tab, vi risikerer at lide, hvis vi ikke i tide tager udviklingen alvorligt. For Lehmann havde ret i, at der ikke i Danmark provides provinser. Lad os investere i hele landet og dermed sikre, at der heller ikke bliver det i fremtiden.

Kaare Dybvad (f. 1984) er cand.scient. i geografi fra Københavns Universitet. Han er medlem af Folketinget for Socialdemokratiet og forfatter til bøgerne Udkantsmyten (2015) og De lærdes tyranni (2017)

[1] Krause på tværs, P1, 16. december 2009.

[2] Sven Illeris: Regional udvikling, regionplanlægning og regionalpolitik i Danmark og Europa, 2010

[3] Bratman, Gregory N. m.fl.: “Nature experience reduces rumination and subgenual prefrontal cortex activation”, 2015:

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